Congressional Hearing about UFOs: NOVEMBER 13, 2024

Congressional Hearing about UFOs: NOVEMBER 13, 2024

“… it is up
to the Members of this Committee and other lawmakers to wield
their subpoena power against hostile witnesses and prevent
additional Government funding to those UAP efforts that remain
hidden from Congressional oversight….”

“● a watchful Congress;
● a responsive Executive Branch; and
● an informed public….”

Watch on YouTube

Continue reading “Congressional Hearing about UFOs: NOVEMBER 13, 2024”

STANDING COMMITTEES

COMMITTEE ASSIGNMENTS
118th CONGRESS

COMMITTEE ASSIGNMENTS

AGRICULTURE, NUTRITION, AND
FORESTRY
Room SR–328A, Russell Office Building. Meetings at the call of the Chairman.

Continue reading “STANDING COMMITTEES”

Covid-19: Select Subcommittee Hearing Notice November 14, 2024 at 11:30 a.m.

The COVID-19 pandemic exposed weaknesses of the U.S. public health system, revealing
crucial gaps in readiness, coordination, and trust between the government and public. The
overall response from the Centers of Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), the Food and
Drug Administration (FDA), and the National Institute of Health (NIH) revealed substantial
issues within these agencies, including communication failures and overly broad mandates
that impacted millions of American citizens.
, the Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Pandemic will hold a hearing titled “Preparing
for the Next Pandemic: Lessons Learned and The Path Forward.”

BACKGROUND:
The COVID-19 pandemic exposed weaknesses of the U.S. public health system, revealing
crucial gaps in readiness, coordination, and trust between the government and public. The
overall response from the Centers of Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), the Food and
Drug Administration (FDA), and the National Institute of Health (NIH) revealed substantial
issues within these agencies, including communication failures and overly broad mandates
that impacted millions of American citizens.
II. HEARING PURPOSE:
This hearing will examine the federal government’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic,
including lessons learned to prevent future pandemics.
III. WITNESS:
Henry Walke, M.D., M.P.H.
Director
Office of Readiness and Response
Centers for Disease Control & Prevention
Hilary Marston, M.D., M.P.H.
Chief Medical Officer
U.S. Food & Drug Administration
Lawrence Tabak, D.D.S, Ph.D.
Principal Deputy Director
National Institutes of Health

SELECT SUBCOMMITTEE HEARING NOTICE
November 7, 2024
TO: Members, Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Pandemic
FROM: Brad Wenstrup, Chairman
SUBJECT: Select Subcommittee hearing titled “Preparing for the Next Pandemic: Lessons
Learned and The Path Forward”


On Thursday, November 14, 2024, at 11:30 AM ET, the Select Subcommittee on the
Coronavirus Pandemic will hold a hearing titled “Preparing for the Next Pandemic: Lessons
Learned and The Path Forward.” The hearing will convene in room 2154 of the Rayburn House
Office Building.
If any Members would like to submit documents, exhibits, or other materials into the
hearing record, they may submit them through the Committee’s electronic repository at
GOP.Oversight.Clerks@mail.house.gov. Members are encouraged to submit such materials at
least 24 hours prior to the hearing so they may be circulated to all Members prior to the hearing.
Submitting such materials after this period, or during the hearing, may delay both their
distribution to other Members and their approval for entering into the record.
If you have any questions, please contact Select Subcommittee staff at (202) 225-5074 or
Mitch Benzine at Mitchell.Benzine@mail.house.gov.

nondelegation doctrine

“… the Supreme Court has limited the types of authority and functions that Congress can delegate to a purely private entity.”

The non-delegation doctrine is the principle that Congress cannot delegate its legislative powers or lawmaking ability to other entities. This prohibition typically involves Congress delegating its powers to administrative agencies or to private organizations. Thus, the non-delegation doctrine is most commonly used in connection with administrative law and constitutional law.

ArtI.S1.5.1 Overview of Nondelegation Doctrine

Article I, Section 1:

All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.

The nondelegation doctrine is rooted in certain separation of powers principles.1 In limiting Congress’s power to delegate, the nondelegation doctrine exists primarily to prevent Congress from ceding its legislative power to other entities not vested with legislative authority under the Constitution. As interpreted by the Court, the doctrine seeks to ensure that legislative decisions are made through a bicameral legislative process by the elected Members of Congress or governmental officials subject to constitutional accountability.2 Reserving the legislative power for a bicameral Congress was “intended to erect enduring checks on each Branch and to protect the people from the improvident exercise of power by mandating certain prescribed steps.” 3

The nondelegation doctrine, however, does not require complete separation of the three branches of government, and its continuing strength is the question of much debate.4 In its nondelegation jurisprudence, the Supreme Court has recognized the need and importance of coordination among the three branches of government so long as one branch does not encroach on the “constitutional field” of another branch.5 The nondelegation doctrine seeks to distinguish the constitutional delegations of power to other branches of government that may be “necessary” for governmental coordination from unconstitutional grants of legislative power that may violate separation of powers principles.6Footnotes1See Loving v. United States, 517 U.S. 748, 758 (1996) ( “Another strand of our separation-of-powers jurisprudence, the delegation doctrine, has developed to prevent Congress from forsaking its duties.” ). For discussion of the separation of powers, see Intro.7.2 Separation of Powers Under the Constitution. 

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2See Immigration & Naturalization Serv. v. Chadha, 462 U.S. 919, 959 (1983) ( “There is no support in the Constitution or decisions of this Court for the proposition that the cumbersomeness and delays often encountered in complying with explicit constitutional standards may be avoided, either by the Congress or by the President. With all the obvious flaws of delay, untidiness, and potential for abuse, we have not yet found a better way to preserve freedom than by making the exercise of power subject to the carefully crafted restraints spelled out in the Constitution.” ) (citations omitted). See also Dep’t of Transp. v. Ass’n of Am. R.R., 575 U.S. 43, 61 (2015) (Alito, J., concurring) ( “The principle that Congress cannot delegate away its vested powers exists to protect liberty. Our Constitution, by careful design, prescribes a process for making law, and within that process there are many accountability checkpoints. It would dash the whole scheme if Congress could give its power away to an entity that is not constrained by those checkpoints. The Constitution’s deliberative process was viewed by the Framers as a valuable feature, not something to be lamented and evaded.” ) (citations omitted); Indus. Union Dep’t, AFL-CIO v. API, 448 U.S. 607, 687 (1980) ( “It is the hard choices, and not the filling in of the blanks, which must be made by the elected representatives of the people. When fundamental policy decisions underlying important legislation about to be enacted are to be made, the buck stops with Congress and the President insofar as he exercises his constitutional role in the legislative process.” ). 

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3Immigration & Naturalization Serv. v. Chadha, 462 U.S. 919, 957–58 (1983). 

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4Marshall Field & Co. v. Clark, 143 U.S. 649, 692 (1892); Wayman v. Southard, 23 U.S. (10 Wheat.) 1, 42 (1825). 

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5J.W. Hampton, Jr. & Co. v. United States, 276 U.S. 394, 406 (1928). 

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6Id. at 406. See also Chadha, 462 U.S. at 944 ( “[T]he fact that a given law or procedure is efficient, convenient, and useful in facilitating functions of government, standing alone, will not save it if it is contrary to the Constitution. Convenience and efficiency are not the primary objectives—or the hallmarks—of democratic government.” ). 

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In J.W. Hampton v. United States, 276 U.S. 394 (1928), the Supreme Court clarified that when Congress does give an agency the ability to regulate, Congress must give the agencies an “intelligible principle” on which to base their regulations. This standard is viewed as quite lenient, and has rarely, if ever, been used to strike down legislation.

In A.L.A. Schechter Poultry Corp. v. United States, 295 U.S. 495 (1935), the Supreme Court held that “Congress is not permitted to abdicate or to transfer to others the essential legislative functions with which it is thus vested.”

SOURCE

ArtI.S1.6.5 Private Entities and Legislative Power Delegations

Article I, Section 1:

All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.

In contrast to the relative latitude given to delegations to other branches of the government under the “intelligible principle” standard,1 the Supreme Court has limited the types of authority and functions that Congress can delegate to a purely private entity.2 The seminal case addressing delegations to a private entity is Carter v. Carter Coal Co.3 In Carter Coal, the Supreme Court invalidated the Bituminous Coal Conservation Act of 1935, a law that granted a majority of coal producers and miners in a given region the authority to impose maximum hour and minimum wage standards on all other miners and producers in that region.4 The Court reasoned that by conferring on a majority of private individuals the authority to regulate “the affairs of an unwilling minority,” the law was “legislative delegation in its most obnoxious form; for it is not even delegation to an official or an official body, presumptively disinterested, but to private persons whose interests may be and often are adverse to the interests of others in the same business.” 5 The Court did not apply the “intelligible principle” standard, but instead focused on the regulatory and “coercive” power given to private entities over its competitors and the due process concerns raised by such delegations.6

Although Carter Coal concerned the delegation of authority to private entities and not governmental bodies, some courts and commentators have suggested that the Carter Coal decision may more accurately be viewed as a due process case.7 The Fifth Amendment’s Due Process Clause prohibits the Federal Government8 from depriving any person of “life, liberty, or property without due process of law,” 9 which the Court has interpreted as establishing certain principles of fundamental fairness, including the notion that decision makers must be disinterested and unbiased.10 In striking down the delegation to coal producers and miners to impose standards on other producers and miners, the Supreme Court in Carter Coal centered its analysis on the coercive power that the majority could exercise over the “unwilling minority.” 11 The opinion articulated the due process problems involved with providing regulatory authority to private entities, stating:

The difference between producing coal and regulating its production is, of course, fundamental. The former is a private activity; the latter is necessarily a governmental function, since, in the very nature of things, one person may not be entrusted with the power to regulate the business of another, and especially of a competitor. And a statute which attempts to confer such power undertakes an intolerable and unconstitutional interference with personal liberty and private property. The delegation is so clearly arbitrary, and so clearly a denial of rights safeguarded by the due process clause of the Fifth Amendment, that it is unnecessary to do more than refer to decisions of this court which foreclose the question.12

The Court’s reasoning in Carter Coal suggests that delegating authority to coal producers and miners to impose standards on its competitors is in tension with both the nondelegation doctrine and the Due Process Clause.13

After its Carter Coal decision, the Supreme Court did not comprehensively ban private involvement in regulation. In the context of private parties aiding in regulatory functions and decisions, the Court has indicated that Congress may empower a private party to play a more limited and supervised role in the regulatory process. For example, in Currin v. Wallace,14 the Court upheld a law that authorized the Secretary of Agriculture to issue a regulation respecting the tobacco market, but only if two-thirds of the growers in that market voted for the Secretary to do so.15 In distinguishing Carter Coal, the Court stated that “this is not a case where a group of producers may make the law and force it upon a minority.” 16 Rather, it was Congress that had exercised its “legislative authority in making the regulation and in prescribing the conditions of its application.” 17

Similarly, in Sunshine Anthracite Coal Co. v. Adkins,18 the Supreme Court upheld a provision of the Bituminous Coal Act of 1937,19 which authorized private coal producers to propose standards for the regulation of coal prices.20 Those proposals were provided to a governmental entity, which was then authorized to approve, disapprove, or modify the proposal.21 The Court approved this framework, heavily relying on the fact that the private coal producers did not have the authority to set coal prices, but rather acted “subordinately” to the governmental entity (the National Bituminous Coal Commission).22 In particular, the Sunshine Anthracite Court noted that the Commission and not the private industry entity determined the final industry prices to conclude that the “statutory scheme” was “unquestionably valid.” 23

In the same vein as Carter Coal, the Supreme Court in Currin and Sunshine Anthracite did not evaluate whether Congress laid out an “intelligible principle” guiding the delegations to the private entities. Rather than applying the “intelligible principle” standard, the Court reviewed whether the responsibilities given to the private entities were acts of legislative or regulatory authority.24 In these nondelegation cases involving private entities, the Court drew the “line which separates legislative power to make laws, from administrative authority” to administer laws.25 In both Currin and Adkins, the Court reasoned that the private entities did not exercise legislative power because they did not impose or enforce binding legal requirements.26 Because the private entity’s responsibilities were primarily administrative or advisory, the Court determined that the statutes did not violate the nondelegation doctrine.27Footnotes1See ArtI.S1.5.3 Origin of Intelligible Principle Standard. 

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2See A.L.A. Schechter Poultry Corp. v. United States, 295 U.S. 495, 537 (1935) (holding that delegation to trade and industrial associations of the power to develop codes of “fair competition” for the poultry industry “is unknown to our law and utterly inconsistent with the constitutional prerogatives and duties of Congress” ). 

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3298 U.S. 238 (1936)

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4Id. at 311–12. 

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5Id. at 311. The Court appeared to characterize the wage and hour provisions as an unlawful “delegation” to a private entity, but also held that the provision in question was “clearly a denial of rights safeguarded by the due process clause of the Fifth Amendment,” id. at 311–12, leading some to question whether Carter should be considered a nondelegation case at all. 

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6Seeid. at 311 ( “The difference between producing coal and regulating its production is, of course, fundamental. The former is a private activity; the latter is necessarily a governmental function, since, in the very nature of things, one person may not be entrusted with the power to regulate the business of another, and especially of a competitor.” ). 

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7At least one court has debated on whether Carter Coal is a nondelegation or due process decision. See Ass’n of Am. R.R. v. Dep’t of Transp., 821 F.3d 19, 31 (D.C. Cir. 2016) (explaining that it was unclear what aspect of the “delegation [in Carter Coal] offended the Court. By one reading, it was the Act’s delegation to ‘private persons rather than official bodies. By another, it was the delegation to persons ‘whose interests may be and often are adverse to the interests of others in the same business’ rather than persons who are ‘presumptively disinterested,’ as official bodies tend to be. Of course, the Court also may have been offended on both fronts. But as the opinion continues, it becomes clear that what primarily drives the Court to strike down this provision is the self-interested character of the delegatees’ . . . .” ). 

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8The Fifth Amendment’s Due Process Clause, by its very nature, only applies to the actions of the Federal Government. See Farrington v. Tokushige, 273 U.S. 284, 299 (1927) ( “[T]he inhibition of the Fifth Amendment—’No person shall . . . be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law’—applies to the federal government and agencies set up by Congress for the government of the Territory.” ). For discussion of the Fifth Amendment’s Due Process Clause, see Amdt5.5.1 Overview of Due Process. The Fourteenth Amendment’s Due Process Clause as applied to actions of the states is discussed at Fourteenth Amendment, Section 1. 

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9U.S. Const. amend. VSee also Marshall v. Jerrico, Inc., 446 U.S. 238, 242 (1980) ( “The Due Process Clause entitles a person to an impartial and disinterested tribunal in both civil and criminal cases.” ); Carter Coal, 298 U.S. at 311; Eubank v. City of Richmond, 226 U.S. 137, 143–44 (1912) (invalidating a city ordinance on the grounds that it established “no standard by which the power thus given is to be exercised; in other words, the property holders who desire and have the authority to establish the line may do so solely for their own interest, or even capriciously. . . . ” ). See Amdt5.5.1 Overview of Due Process. 

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10See, e.g., Marshall, 446 U.S. at 242. 

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11Carter Coal, 298 U.S. at 311. 

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12Id. at 311–12. 

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13The intersection of the Due Process Clause and the nondelegation doctrine as illustrated by the Court’s decision in Carter Coal may arise when Congress delegates authority to government-created corporations that have both public and private aspects. For example, in Department of Transportation v. Association of American Railroads, the Supreme Court held that “Amtrak is a governmental entity, not a private one” for purposes of reviewing Congress’s power to delegate regulatory authority to Amtrak, a for-profit entity created by Congress. Dep’t of Transp. v. Ass’n of Am. R.R., 575 U.S. 43, 45, 54 (2015). The Court, however, did not reach the issue of whether the delegation of coercive power given to Amtrak over its competitors violates the Due Process Clause or the nondelegation doctrine. Id. at 55–56. 

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14306 U.S. 1 (1939)

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15Id. at 6. 

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16Id. at 15. 

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17Id. at 16. 

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18310 U.S. 381 (1940)

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19Pub. L. No. 75–4850 Stat. 72 (1937). 

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20Sunshine Anthracite Coal Co. v. Adkins, 310 U.S. at 388–89. 

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21Id. at 388. 

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22Id. at 399. 

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23Id.

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24Id. at 388–89; Currin v. Wallace, 306 U.S. 1, 15–16 (1939). 

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25United States v. Grimaud, 220 U.S. 506, 517 (1911). 

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26Sunshine Anthracite Coal Co. v. Adkins, 310 U.S. 381, 388–89 (1940); Currin, 306 U.S. at 15–16. 

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27Id.

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November 13, 2024: Committee on Oversight and Accountability: JOINT SUBCOMMITTEE HEARING NOTICE

Subcommittee on Cybersecurity, Information Technology, and Government
Innovation and the Subcommittee on National Security, the Border, and Foreign Affairs joint
hearing titled “Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena: Exposing the Truth”

November 6, 2024
TO: Members, Committee on Oversight and Accountability
FROM: James Comer, Chairman

This hearing follows an unidentified anomalous phenomena (UAP) hearing held last
summer by the Subcommittee on National Security, the Border and Foreign Affairs.
It will explore continued concerns about disclosure of UAP-related programs and
information held by federal agencies. It will explore transparency issues surrounding
the Department of Defense (DoD) and the intelligence community, including its
disclosure of spending information and its policies and procedures regarding
classification and declassification. The hearing will also examine the work of DoD’s
Congressionally mandated All-Domain Anomaly Resolution Office (AARO).
II. HEARING PURPOSE:
This hearing will broadly examine issues related to overclassification of information
along with a reluctance to declassify information where appropriate. It will attempt to
shed further light on recent journalistic accounts concerning secret federal research
programs on UAPs not disclosed to the American public.
III. WITNESSES:
To be determined

SUBJECT: Subcommittee on Cybersecurity Information, Technology, and Government Innovation and the Subcommittee on National Security, the Border, and Foreign Affairs joint hearing titled “Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena: Exposing the Truth”


On Wednesday, November 13, 2024, at 11:30 a.m. ET, the Subcommittee on
Cybersecurity, Information Technology, and Government Innovation and

the Subcommittee on National Security, the Border, and Foreign Affairs will hold a joint hearing titled “Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena: Exposing the Truth.” The hearing will convene in room 2154 of the Rayburn House Office Building.
If any Members would like to submit documents, exhibits, or other materials into the hearing record, they may submit them through the Committee’s electronic repository at

GOP.Oversight.Clerks@mail.house.gov.

Members are encouraged to submit such materials at least 24 hours prior to the hearing so they may be circulated to all Members prior to the hearing.

Submitting such materials after this period, or during the hearing, may delay both their distribution to other Members and their approval for entering into the record.


If you have any questions, please contact Committee staff at (202) 225-5074 or Mallory Cogar at Mallory.Cogar@mail.house.gov.

Transfer certain unobligated funds to the Disaster Relief Fund, and for other purposes: H. R. 10069

“(1) means funds made available under the heading “Bilateral Economic Assisstance—Funds Appropriated to the President—Economic Support Fund” of title IV of the Ukraine Security Supplemental Appropriations Act (Public Law 118–50); and

(2) does not include such funds that are made available to prevent and respond to food insecurity.”

H.R. 10069: To transfer certain unobligated funds to the Disaster Relief Fund, and for other purposes

H. R. 10069


(Introduced 10/29/2024) by;
Rep. Higgins, Clay [R-LA-3]

118th CONGRESS
2d Session

To transfer certain unobligated funds to the Disaster Relief Fund, and for other purposes.


IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

October 29, 2024

Mr. Higgins of Louisiana (for himself, Mr. Bishop of North Carolina, Mr. Rosendale, Mr. Norman, and Mr. Ogles) introduced the following bill; which was referred to the Committee on Appropriations


A BILL

To transfer certain unobligated funds to the Disaster Relief Fund, and for other purposes.

Continue reading “Transfer certain unobligated funds to the Disaster Relief Fund, and for other purposes: H. R. 10069”

Helping Americans by Restricting Resources to Immigrant Services Act of 2024” or the “HARRIS Act of 2024”: H.R 10067

H.R. 10067:
“A BILL
To amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to exclude from tax-exempt status entities which provide goods or services to individuals who are not citizens or nationals of the United States.”

“Helping Americans by Restricting Resources to Immigrant Services Act of 2024” or the “HARRIS Act of 2024”.

H. R. 10067

To amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to exclude from tax-exempt status entities which provide goods or services to individuals who are not citizens or nationals of the United States.

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Mr. Gaetz (for himself, Mr. Biggs, Mr. Weber of Texas, and Ms. Boebert) introduced the following bill; which was referred to the Committee on Ways and Means

October 29, 2024



A BILL

To amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to exclude from tax-exempt status entities which provide goods or services to individuals who are not citizens or nationals of the United States.

Continue reading “Helping Americans by Restricting Resources to Immigrant Services Act of 2024” or the “HARRIS Act of 2024”: H.R 10067”

Carbon Cost Act of 2024: H.R. 10074

“…to study alternatives for a nonpartisan congressional office or agency to project the net greenhouse gas emissions likely to be caused by Federal legislation,…”

118th CONGRESS
2d Session

H. R. 10074

To direct the Comptroller General of the United States, in coordination with the National Academy of Sciences, to study alternatives for a nonpartisan congressional office or agency to project the net greenhouse gas emissions likely to be caused by Federal legislation, and for other purposes.


IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

October 29, 2024

Mr. Neguse (for himself, Ms. Castor of Florida, Mr. Casten, and Mr. Huffman) introduced the following bill; which was referred to the Committee on House Administration


A BILL

To direct the Comptroller General of the United States, in coordination with the National Academy of Sciences, to study alternatives for a nonpartisan congressional office or agency to project the net greenhouse gas emissions likely to be caused by Federal legislation, and for other purposes.

Continue reading “Carbon Cost Act of 2024: H.R. 10074”

Stop Resistance Activities by Federal Employees Act, or the, “STRAFE Act” — 118th Congress (2023-2024): H.R. 10053

“…shall develop and implement a training program for covered Federal employees on the
limitations with respect to opposing, obstructing, or impeding lawful
directives from the President, Vice President, or any other political
appointee, including Executive orders, National Security Presidential
Memoranda, Presidential Decision Directives, Agency Directives….”


Introduced in House (10/25/2024)

[Congressional Bills 118th Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
[H.R. 10053 Introduced in House (IH)]

<DOC>

118th CONGRESS
2d Session
H. R. 10053

To require the Director of the Office of Personnel Management to
develop and implement mandatory training for covered Federal employees
regarding compliance with directives from the President, Vice
President, and other political appointees, and for other purposes.

_______________________________________________________________________

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

October 25, 2024

Congressman August Pfluger

introduced the following bill; which was referred to the


Committee on Oversight and Accountability

Chairman James Comer

Phone: (202) 225-5074 

Fax: (202) 225-3974

2157 Rayburn House Office Building
Washington, DC 20515

Continue reading “Stop Resistance Activities by Federal Employees Act, or the, “STRAFE Act” — 118th Congress (2023-2024): H.R. 10053″

TITLE VII–FEDERAL TRADE COMMISSION OVERSIGHT OF HORSERACING INTEGRITY AND SAFETY AUTHORITY

 TITLE VII--FEDERAL TRADE COMMISSION OVERSIGHT OF HORSERACING INTEGRITY 
                          AND SAFETY AUTHORITY

SEC. 701. FEDERAL TRADE COMMISSION OVERSIGHT OF HORSERACING 
                        INTEGRITY AND SAFETY AUTHORITY.

    Section 1204(e) of the Horseracing Integrity and Safety Act of 2020 
(15 U.S.C. 3053(e)) is amended to read as follows:
    ``(e) Amendment by Commission of Rules of Authority.--The 
Commission, by rule in accordance with section 553 of title

[[Page 136 STAT. 5232]]

5, United States Code, may abrogate, add to, and modify the rules of the 
Authority promulgated in accordance with this Act as the Commission 
finds necessary or appropriate to ensure the fair administration of the 
Authority, to conform the rules of the Authority to requirements of this 
Act and applicable rules approved by the Commission, or otherwise in 
furtherance of the purposes of this Act.''.

HISA Poster Text

The Horseracing Integrity Act
116th Congress
House Sponsors: Paul Tonko (D-NY) & Andy Barr (R-KY)
Senate Sponsors: Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY) & Martha McSally (R-AZ)

The Horseracing Integrity Act:


116th Congress
House Sponsors: Paul Tonko (D-NY) & Andy Barr (R-KY)
Senate Sponsors: Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY) & Martha McSally (R-AZ)
“Our goal has to be zero horse deaths in horseracing.
I won’t stop working on this issue until we make that happen.”
❖ Paul Tonko
Horseracing is a Major Economic Driver

The horseracing industry generates some $15.6 billion in direct economic impact

More than 241,000 U.S. jobs are supported by the horseracing industry

Many states benefit from the horseracing industry in the form of economic and job development
o In New York, horseracing contributes more than $3 billion annually
o In Maryland, some 20,000 jobs are sustained by the horseracing industry
Lack of Uniformity Hurts Horses & the Sport

There are 38 unique state racing commissions, each with different rules and regulations

Roughly half of all Thoroughbred starts in the U.S. are from horses that compete in more than one
state and nearly eighty percent of wagers are across state lines

Nearly every country except for the U.S. has banned race-day medication, limiting the ability of
American breeders, trainers and horses to compete abroad
Congress Needs to Stop Horsing Around!
The Horseracing Integrity Act would establish a uniform national medication program, encourage
fair competition, modernize regulations across state lines and prioritize the safety and welfare of the
people and equine athletes involved in the noble sport of kings.
The Horseracing Integrity Act

Provides for the increased safety and welfare of horses, jockeys and drivers

Establishes a conflict-free, self-regulatory organization responsible for creating and implementing
an anti-doping program for the entire horseracing industry

Develops standardized list of permitted and prohibited substances, treatments and methods for all
covered races in the United States

Bans the use of all medications within 24 hours of a race

Requires full & fair information disclosure to breeding stock purchasers and the wagering public
Supported by: Humane Society of the U.S., New York Racing Association, American Society for the
Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (ASPCA), Animal Welfare Institute, the Water Hay Oats Alliance,
the Jockey Club, Animal Wellness Action, the Breeders’ Cup, Keeneland Association, the Kentucky
Thoroughbred Association, the Thoroughbred Owners and Breeders Association, the Stronach
Group, and some of the nation’s top trainers.
Congress can strengthen the competitiveness and legitimacy of America’s sport of kings while lifting
up the health and nobility of the equine athlete. The time to act is now!